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Crisis Group
The International Crisis Group is an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organisation committed to preventing and resolving deadly conflict
https://www.crisisgroup.org/
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Crisis Group
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The International Crisis Group is an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organisation committed to preventing and resolving deadly conflict
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  1. Giving Countries in Conflict Their Fair Share of Climate Finance
  1. About Crisis Group
  2. Support Us
  3. Subscribe to Crisis Group’s Email Updates
  1. Future of Conflict
  2. Global Issues
  3. Videos & Photography
  4. Podcasts
  5. Visual Explainers
  6. Africa
  7. Asia
  8. Europe & Central Asia
  9. Latin America & Caribbean
  10. Middle East & North Africa
  11. United States
  12. Africa
  13. Asia
  14. Europe & Central Asia
  15. Latin America & Caribbean
  16. Middle East & North Africa
  17. United States
  18. Future of Conflict
  19. Global Issues
  20. Videos & Photography
  21. Podcasts
  22. Visual Explainers
  23. Videos & Photography
  24. CrisisWatch Conflict Tracker October 2022 View Latest Edition
  25. Trends for Last Month October 2022
  26. Outlook for This Month November 2022
  27. Russia-Ukraine
  28. Visual Explainers
  29. In The News
  30. Omar Mahmood
  31. Veena Ali-Khan
  32. Amanda Hsiao
  33. Richard Gowan
  34. Ali Vaez
  35. Olga Oliker
  36. Regional Updates
  37. Our Supporters
  38. ...
  1. Floods, Displacement and Violence in South Sudan
  2. The Foreign Policy Implications of China’s Twentieth Party Congress
  3. Watch List 2022 – Autumn Update
  4. Time for Latin America to Bridge its Divides
  5. Limiting the Damage of Lebanon’s Looming Presidential Vacuum
  6. Stop Fighting Blind: Better Use-of-Force Oversight in the U.S. Congress
  7. Floods, Displacement and Violence in South Sudan
  8. The Foreign Policy Implications of China’s Twentieth Party Congress
  9. Watch List 2022 – Autumn Update
  10. Time for Latin America to Bridge its Divides
  11. Limiting the Damage of Lebanon’s Looming Presidential Vacuum
  12. Stop Fighting Blind: Better Use-of-Force Oversight in the U.S. Congress
  13. Floods, Displacement and Violence in South Sudan
  14. November Alerts and October Trends
  15. Limiting the Damage of Lebanon’s Looming Presidential Vacuum
  16. The Still-Perilous Path Toward Peace Between Armenia and Azerbaijan
  17. Drought and Conflict in Laikipia, Kenya
  18. Climate Change and Conflict in Somalia
  19. Time for Latin America to Bridge its Divides
  20. Averting Chaos in Chad | Eviter le chaos au Tchad
  21. How to Put Libya Back on Track
  22. Ukrainian Refugees and the Coming Winter
  23. There is very little time left to save lives in Somalia
  24. Picturing the Humanitarian Response in Western Ukraine
  25. Tensions dans la région des Grands-Lacs | Turmoil in the Great Lakes
  26. Drought, Violence and Politics: Inside Laikipia’s Cattle War
  27. Comfort Ero on Crisis Group's Mission
  28. Deteriorated Situations
  29. Improved Situations
  30. Conflict Risk Alerts
  31. Resolution Opportunities
  32. Reaffirming Ukraine’s Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity at the UN
  33. Responding to Ukraine’s Displacement Crisis: From Speed to Sustainability
  34. Staying the Course in Ukraine
  35. Priorities for the UN’s New Agenda for Peace
  36. Giving Countries in Conflict Their Fair Share of Climate Finance
  37. Crime in Pieces: The Effects of Mexico’s “War on Drugs”, Explained
  38. The Iran-U.S. Trigger List
  39. The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: A Visual Explainer
  40. Global
  41. COP: A Special Series
  42. Watch List 2022 – Autumn Update
  43. Reaffirming Ukraine’s Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity at the UN
  44. Africa
  45. Climate Change and Conflict in Somalia
  46. After the Crackdowns, is Chad’s Transition Unravelling?
  47. Averting Chaos in Chad | Eviter le chaos au Tchad
  48. Asia
  49. The Foreign Policy Implications of China’s Twentieth Party Congress
  50. Afghanistan’s central bank needs its assets back, argues Graeme Smith
  51. Sri Lanka: Keeping the Storm at Bay
  52. Europe & Central Asia
  53. The Still-Perilous Path Toward Peace Between Armenia and Azerbaijan
  54. Bosnia and Herzegovina After the Elections
  55. War & Peace (Season 4)
  56. Latin America & Caribbean
  57. Time for Latin America to Bridge its Divides
  58. Venezuela: The Twilight of Maximum Pressure
  59. El Salvador’s #WarOnGangs: Risks and results (Online event, 6 October 2022)
  60. Middle East & North Africa
  61. How to Put Libya Back on Track
  62. Limiting the Damage of Lebanon’s Looming Presidential Vacuum
  63. Can a New UN Envoy Help Resolve Libya’s Political Crisis?
  64. United States
  65. Stop Fighting Blind: Better Use-of-Force Oversight in the U.S. Congress
  66. A Dangerous Idea to Punish Putin
  67. Peacemaking and U.S. Sanctions
  68. Subscribe to Crisis Group's Email Updates
  69. Connect with us
  70. CONNECT WITH US
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  1. https://www.crisisgroup.org/
  2. Who We Are
  3. How We Work
  4. Our Impact
  5. Our Journeys
  6. Support Us
  7. Donate
  8. https://www.crisisgroup.org/javascript:;
  9. https://www.crisisgroup.org/
  10. CrisisWatch
  11. Reports & Briefings
  12. Who We Are
  13. How We Work
  14. Our Impact
  15. Our Journeys
  16. Support Us
  17. Archive
  18. Future of Conflict
  19. Economics of Conflict
  20. Climate, Environment and Conflict
  21. Technology and War
  22. Eastern Mediterranean Rivalries
  23. The Covid-19 Pandemic and Deadly Conflict
  24. Gender and Conflict
  25. Multilateral Diplomacy
  26. Future of Conflict
  27. Economics of Conflict
  28. Climate, Environment and Conflict
  29. Technology and War
  30. Jihad in Modern Conflict
  31. From Early Warning to Early Action
  32. Peace, Justice and Reconciliation
  33. Humanitarian Fallout of Conflict
  34. Videos
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  36. View Program
  37. African Union & Regional Bodies
  38. Central Africa
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  40. Horn of Africa
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  42. Southern Africa
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  44. Angola
  45. Burkina Faso
  46. Burundi
  47. Cameroon
  48. Central African Republic
  49. Chad
  50. Côte d’Ivoire
  51. Democratic Republic of Congo
  52. Eritrea
  53. Ethiopia
  54. Guinea
  55. Guinea-Bissau
  56. Kenya
  57. Liberia
  58. Madagascar
  59. Mali
  60. Mozambique
  61. Niger
  62. Nigeria
  63. Republic of Congo
  64. Rwanda
  65. Sierra Leone
  66. Somalia
  67. South Africa
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  69. Sudan
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  72. https://www.crisisgroup.org/sites/default/files/2022-10/option%201.png
  73. View Program
  74. North East Asia
  75. Pacific
  76. South Asia
  77. South East Asia
  78. Afghanistan
  79. Bangladesh
  80. Cambodia
  81. China
  82. India-Pakistan (Kashmir)
  83. Indonesia
  84. Korean Peninsula
  85. Malaysia
  86. Myanmar
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  90. South China Sea
  91. Sri Lanka
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  97. Balkans
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  106. Croatia
  107. Cyprus
  108. Georgia
  109. Kazakhstan
  110. Kosovo
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  112. Moldova
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  114. Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
  115. North Macedonia
  116. Russia (Internal)
  117. Serbia
  118. Tajikistan
  119. Turkmenistan
  120. Türkiye
  121. Ukraine
  122. Uzbekistan
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  125. Andes
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  138. View Program
  139. East Mediterranean (MENA)
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DOM size
There are more than 1,500 DOM nodes.
Security
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Mixed content
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Server signature
The webpage has a public server signature.
nginx
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The webpage has 29 unsafe cross-origin links.
Plaintext email
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